In Global Food-Trade Skirmish,Safety Is the Weapon of Choice

 

Chicken Fight

In Global Food-Trade Skirmish, Safety Is the Weapon of Choice

 

As Tariffs Carry Less Weight,
Standards Play Bigger Role;
Russia Sends 'Napoleon'

 

Chipping Away at 'Bush's Legs'

By GREGORY L. WHITE in Moscow; Scott Kilman, Ark.; and ROGER THUROW in Ptitsegrad, Russia

Staff Reporters of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

December 15, 2004; Page A1

 

The gray van carrying the Russian inspector arrived at dawn outside a complex in Springdale, Ark. Uniformed American guards stood outside as Major General Vitaly Romensky toured the facility. He had come to verify that America was living up to an agreement reached between high-level U.S. and Russian negotiators.

 

After 2½ hours, the poker-faced inspector came striding out of the building. The metal security gate rattled open and the van whisked him away.

 

Mr. Romensky's checklist included a section on radioactive fallout. But he wasn't inspecting nuclear weapons. He is a Russian government veterinarian. The facility is a chicken-slaughtering plant. He was inspecting drumsticks.

 

This cloak-and-dagger routine is more than just Cold War leftovers in the freezer section. As new food powers emerge, the drive for free trade around the world is blunting the traditional tactics governments once employed to shield their domestic industries. Now, food safety is becoming the stealth weapon of protectionism in the $522 billion market for global agricultural exports.

 

"As quotas and tariffs become less important trade barriers, sanitary measures are becoming a relatively much bigger problem," says J.B. Penn, an under secretary of the U.S. Agriculture Department.

 

Russian veterinarians with military-style ranks -- one earned the nickname "Chicken Napoleon" from U.S. executives -- have blacklisted scores of U.S. poultry plants from exporting to Russia. They are among the world's most aggressive in using their power to close off markets, trade experts say. Russian officials concede their stringent standards don't necessarily improve the meat's quality and some are blunt about the inspectors' real purpose.

 

"The only tool of trade policy the Agriculture Ministry has left are our veterinarians," then-First Deputy Minister of Agriculture Sergei Dankvert told an industry meeting in late 2002, according to Russian press reports. Mr. Dankvert is now head of Russia's state veterinary agency. A spokeswoman confirmed his comments, adding: "That's why we don't let him talk to the press anymore."

 

The U.S.-Russian "chicken war" is the most intense example of a growing number of food-safety skirmishes. When Brazilian soybean prices soared last spring, Chinese government inspectors said they detected a deadly fungicide in some shipments. China temporarily blocked imports from Brazil, helping Chinese merchants get out of their commitments, Brazilian grain groups say. Japan has shut down imports of U.S. apples by requiring that American growers adopt expensive measures to combat fire blight, a plant disease U.S. officials say isn't spread through apple shipments.

 

Such tactics "are becoming a constant battle," grumbles Jeffrey D. Gargiulo, chief executive officer of Sunkist Growers Inc., a big U.S. citrus cooperative. Sunkist was stung last April when South Korea blocked imports of oranges grown in two California counties. Korean plant inspectors said they detected a fungal disease in some U.S. imports. USDA scientists, investigating the complaint, found nothing amiss. American growers suspect the move was designed to pressure Washington to allow imports of Korean Unshu oranges. Jaesoo Kim, agriculture counselor in the Korean embassy in Washington, says the issues aren't linked.

 

The U.S., which is fast becoming one of the world's biggest importers of food, uses similar tactics. Bush administration officials imposed a ban on Canadian cattle 19 months ago when Canada discovered its first case of mad-cow disease. Canada now has nearly identical safety measures to those in the U.S., but administration officials have been slow to complete the regulatory procedures for lifting the ban. Privately, they concede the delay is due to opposition from U.S. ranchers who want to protect cattle prices.

 

Alisa Harrison, a USDA spokeswoman, says the U.S. wants to resume the cattle trade. "Any delay is not based on our desire to manipulate the issue, but is based on our regulatory process."

 

New Risks

 

The globalization of agricultural trade, which now embraces more than 200 countries, has indeed created new food-safety risks. Governments are anxious to protect consumers and farms from a cornucopia of threats including avian flu, exotic bugs and terrorists. Since mad-cow disease materialized in Britain in the 1980s, the fatal bovine brain-wasting disease has spread to 26 nations and territories through the trading of cattle and feed.

 

The World Trade Organization, based in Geneva, is leery of tackling this proxy protectionism,not wanting to undermine its members' ability to close their borders to dangerous food. It has procedures that allow countries to challenge bans, but these disputes can take years to litigate.

 

"It is very hard to separate the real safety concerns from the ones made up for protectionism," says Julio Cardoso, chairman of the Brazilian Association of Chicken Producers and Exporters, whose members are blocked from the U.S. by Washington's sanitation rules. He worries consumers will stop paying attention to legitimate food-safety concerns "if countries cry wolf too often."

 

Moscow threw open the gates to imports in the early 1990s when the Soviet system of collective farms collapsed. Today, Russia imports about 20% of its food, including a lot of American chickens.

 

Unlike Americans, Russians don't turn up their noses at the back end of the bird. Frozen chicken legs and thighs from the U.S. became a critical source of protein after the Communist regime collapsed. Chipped off huge frozen blocks at open-air markets where the only refrigeration was the Russian winter, the imports quickly became known as "Bush's legs," named for then-President George H.W. Bush.

 

In 2001 -- when exports to Russia hit a high -- 8% of the chicken meat produced in the U.S. was sold to Russians, making it the biggest foreign consumer of U.S. chicken. Russia is still the biggest foreign customer for U.S. companies such as Tyson Foods Inc.

 

Russian tycoons, after making fortunes in banking and oil, were attracted to the food business after the devaluation of Russia's currency in 1998 and the country's subsequent economic recovery. They have pushed Moscow to damp foreign competition by installing tariffs and quotas, but with limited success. Vladimir Putin's government has been cutting trade barriers as it negotiates to join the WTO.

 

Enter the veterinary inspectors.

 

The first volley in the "chicken wars" was fired with little warning in early 1996 when the Russian government banned American chicken imports on the grounds that they were contaminated with chemicals and bacteria. U.S. officials ridiculed the safety concerns, but wanted to keep selling to a big market.

 

After a few days of the ban, Washington agreed to adopt special rules and standards for exports to Russia, which would be enforced by periodic visits from Russian vets. It was a big concession.

 

Different Approaches

 

The Russians visited roughly 400 U.S. facilities during the initial inspection, grilling their owners on how they screen for diseases and drug residues in chicken. U.S. regulators take a different tack: They want to know that their counterparts in the countries shipping food to the U.S. are equivalent to them in authority and resources, and do their jobs. While U.S. meat inspectors each year visit a representative number of foreign plants doing business with the U.S., the Russians inspect every U.S. plant that sells poultry to Russia.

 

As more and more U.S. plants made the changes needed to meet the Russian standards, Moscow imposed new demands covering everything from where walls should be located to the state of garbage-can lids. Factory grounds had to be free of mud and workers were to wear special rubber boots that could only be used inside plants. Records had to be kept on everything from the level of chlorine in the water used to wash bird carcasses to the level of beta and gamma radiation in randomly selected chicken legs.

 

In an apparent effort to show they meant business, in early 2002 Russian vets shut down all U.S. poultry imports for about three weeks, citing bacteria contamination. The move came as Washington was deciding whether to impose tariffs on steel, which happened to be Russia's top export to the U.S.

 

Executives at Tyson, America's biggest meat company, were outraged when a Russian inspector flunked one of its newest facilities. Tyson won't say when that happened. "Their findings for delisting plants in our opinion were very arbitrary and without merit," Greg Lee, president of Tyson's international operations, told a congressional hearing in May.

 

U.S. poultry companies squawked mightily. The 2002 ban helped to create a glut of chicken meat in the U.S. and cut the price of legs and thighs in half, to about 14 cents a pound. The $30 billion U.S. chicken industry was forced to close some plants to tackle the oversupply.

 

Viktor Gushchin, director of Russian Institute for Poultry Processing, a government research center set up under the Soviets, was part of an inspection team that traveled to the U.S. in 2003. He recalls plants trying to hide fetid drains and other sources of bacteria. At one North Carolina operation, he says he saw gloves and other trash mixed in with meat scraps to be made into processed meat. "I stopped eating hot dogs after that," he says.

 

Mr. Gushchin says the U.S. would probably be just as strict if it were the importer. "The one who's paying is the one who gets to choose the music," he says, using a Russian expression roughly equivalent to "the customer is always right."

 

With the economic stakes so high, these contretemps quickly sprung to the top of the geopolitical agenda. At their September 2003 Camp David summit, Presidents Bush and Putin made time amid questions about war in Iraq and nuclear proliferation to resolve a thorny chicken problem. Diplomats say they made a breakthrough on the key "footwear issue." Russia agreed to drop its demand that U.S. poultry-plant workers wear special boots in return for assurances that factories install special shoe-washing baths.

 

During this fall's inspection, five Russian teams fanned out across the U.S. for four weeks to check on 125 chicken facilities. This time, Tyson, which owns the Springdale, Ark., plant, wasn't taking any chances. Springdale had earlier been delisted by the inspectors. In preparation for the Russians, the company staged a mock inspection that was headed by a retired USDA official familiar with their methods.

 

Russian vets, in recent months, have also slammed the door on chicken imports from Brazil and the EU, prompting top officials to complain to Mr. Putin, diplomats say.

 

In Russia, the poultry industry is taking off as falling imports have helped lift local prices and spur domestic production. Russian producers now provide roughly half of the country's chicken, compared with less than one-third a few years ago.

 

At Assortment Ltd.'s chicken operations in Ptitsegrad -- Russian for Birdville -- the potholed parking lot is awash in mud, which soaks the welcome mat and seeps into the entrance hall of the administrative building. Even as construction begins on a new processing plant, part of a broad industry overhaul, the Soviet-era factory continues to operate with the approval of inspectors. Vasily Kurilov, a director of the meat-processing company, is happy to show off his modern hatcheries and chicken houses. But he stops the tour at the old plant. "Wait to see the new one," he says.

 

Vladimir Fisinin, head of the Russian Poultry Union, a trade group, concedes that the actual safety level of Russian and American chicken is "identical." Wearing a blue tie decorated with embroidered images of day-old chicks, he defends the veterinarians' strictures but allows that protectionism has played a role "to a certain extent." Mr. Fisinin says the last time he recalls Russia shutting down one of its own plants for sanitary violations was in the 1970s.

 

Other Russian officials say their veterinary interventions are necessary to ensure the safety of the food supply and to prevent the spread of disease. With relatively little support from the government and no system of insurance, Russian farmers would be devastated if they had to destroy large numbers of animals, industry officials say.

 

"These are elementary requirements, and business -- both American and Russian -- simply has to follow the rules," Agriculture Minister Alexei Gordeyev said in an interview earlier this year. He denied that Russia uses veterinary restrictions as a trade barrier.

 

He regularly decries food imports as a threat to Russia's "produce security." In a television documentary broadcast in October, he railed: "Take a look at what we give our people in the form of imports. They made us into a garbage dump."

 

At an outdoor Moscow market, Bush's legs are 20% cheaper than Russian poultry. "They sell very well," says Piotr Roshchin, a butcher who says he sells about 440 pounds of Bush's legs a day in his four kiosks.

 

The market often fills with rumors whenever Russian inspectors ban U.S. imports: Bush's legs are pumped full of steroids; they cause impotence; they're not good enough for Americans to eat.

 

"We never heard such stories before, but recently this is what the scientists and veterinarians talk about," said Konstantin Gorlov, a 59-year-old retired economist, as he shopped for chicken at the market. "I understand it is a normal thing in global trade to have such propaganda. Unfortunately, I don't have a laboratory at home to check for myself."

 

Write to Gregory L. White at greg.white@wsj.com, Scott Kilman at scott.kilman@wsj.com, and Roger Thurow at roger.thurow@wsj.com.

 

 

 


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